Date: 19th-December 2006
Rwanda News Agency
Up to Ten probe witnesses have confirmed to the Mucyo Commission that French soldiers kept them at a transit treatment centre in Goma for about a week without food and amputated limbs of some of the victims "because" they were "Tutsis", RNA has established.
According to the witnesses, all of who were transferred by French soldiers in Military helicopters from Bisesero killing grounds to Goma (D R Congo), apparently as a "way of helping them escape from the militias". Instead, as the commission has heard from about a dozen witnesses, their nightmare was yet to start.
Evidence narrated by the witnesses indicates that around late July 1994, on military pressure from the RPF rebels, French soldiers retreated with Interahamwe, ex-FAR and the genocidal government, along with about 70 Bisesero victims.
Statistics available show that more than 30,000 Tutsis were butchered, bombed or shot at Bisesero by Interahamwes and ex-FAR - with either support of French soldiers or as they just looked on without any intervention. The surviving 70 were taken along.
According to the witnesses, some of who testified on Friday and others - today, they were denied food "deliberately" as the rations were being taken to a nearby camp where "Hutus" were being given "good care" including treatment, food and shelter.
The witnesses say that on arrival at Goma, they were all "forced" to "undress" by French soldiers on guard and "packed" in a tent all together including women, children and men. They say that after days of bitter complaints for food, French soldiers brought them (victims) biscuits and water.
"Imagine women, children and men all undressed and left with no single cloth even as cold as it was - French soldiers and other Congolese could laugh at us like as though we were tourist attractions", Witness 32 told the commission this morning.
According to the witnesses, (like No. 31 whose leg was chopped off), since all had been wounded in Bisesero, each was told by the French soldier-medics - usually individually that the wounded limbs would be amputated "because of cancer infections".
"After legs of two (2) people had been cut off and arms of three (3) others - we all decided that no other person should be amputated because we realised that it was a deliberate campaign to leave us with no limbs just because we were Tutsi", Witness 30 told the commission.
Witness 32, who was brought to the "French medics" days later - narrated of how he was viciously interrogated on whether he was "Hutu or Tutsi" by French soldiers - only to be accepted amidst doubts by the "hosts".
"They checked my palms - ribs - and whole body - they were arguing amongst themselves as to what I was - but accepted me with reservations", the seemingly well-built gentleman narrated.
"I managed to convince them that am Hutu - they were wondering why I had been brought by Tutsis and not taken to the Hutus’ camp nearby - when they insisted on chopping off either my injured leg or arm - I crawled and fled!!", he narrated. Apparently, he had been given cloths by a relative - and that is what he wore as he fled with the help of the same visitor.
For all the period that these victims lived at what one of them called the "butchery", French soldiers would force them all - (children, women and men) - onto a ground out of the tent - naked as they were - and sprinkled with water as their bath.
"The soldier had a long tube attached to a water source and would go on sprinkling water as though he was watering plants - it was a very miserable experience", Witness 33, who was 17 at the time narrated.
Meanwhile, Witness 34 has confirmed the rapes of girls by French soldiers that occurred at SOS-Gikongoro orphanage. He worked with orphanage from 1991to 1994 and was also later employed by French soldiers as a house helper doing the laundry. He was later to continue but left in 1999.
Apparently, French soldiers preferred "only Tutsi girls" - most of who were brought in from Kibuye. He also told the commission that he had seen a case of a man who was taken in a helicopter saying - "but the helicopter returned around 15 minutes later with only French soldiers and a Rwandan - (in military cap) on board", most probably the victim was dumped in Nyungwe forest.
dinsdag 19 december 2006
dinsdag 12 december 2006
French meddling over
Date: 12th-December 2006
By James Munyaneza
The New Times
The days of France’s interference into the internal affairs of Rwanda are long gone, President Paul Kagame has said. Kagame, who was addressing a press conference yesterday at Village Urugwiro, said the French government has had a history of arrogance and dictating what should be done in some African countries, especially the former French colonies.
“It happened here (in Rwanda) for a long time, but it won’t happen any more,” said Kagame, who lashed out at France’s policy in Africa. He said it was disrespect for some Western leaders to think that they are more conversant with African dynamics than Africans themselves.
He described as “serious insult” previous remarks by French President Jacques Chirac that South African President Thabo Mbeki needed to understand the uniqueness of Ivory Coast at the time Mbeki was trying to broker a peace deal in the West African nation. “I took it as a serious insult. That shows how Chirac and other Western leaders think. It’s a big problem,” the President said.
He said the French government did not only back the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, but is behind the violence in such some African countries such as Ivory Coast, Chad and the Central African Republic. “For the French to fight in Chad and in Central African Republic, I find it ridiculous. Look at a situation like that of Ivory Coast, a country that not so long ago was being praised the world over.
“Why is like that today? Finding the French (soldiers) shooting people on the streets of Abidjan (Ivorian Capital) is a disgrace,” Kagame, a strong critic of France, said.
However, Kagame said African leaders and the continent’s peoples should espouse resistance to the continued meddling into the internal affairs of African countries by some western countries.
“Whereas our development partners constitute one of the problems of Africa, even Africans, ourselves, we are a problem of ourselves. Because we don’t give ourselves dignity, that is why we have leaders put in power by outsiders not by their people,” a visibly irritated Kagame, said.
He added: “Much as the French and other Western countries must change their attitude and start to give Africans the dignity they deserve, we Africans should also been seen to be wanting that change.”
The President said that much is needed to be done by the African Union and individual African nations about the continent’s destiny. “The African Union can and should do more in representing Africa ’s interests. There’s room for improvement,” he said.
Kagame also castigated the recent move by a French magistrate, Jean-Louis Bruguiere and the French government, to seek his prosecution over the April 6 1994 assassination of former president Juvenal Habyarimana.
“The French coming to ask me about the death of some dictator who was presiding over a system that killed its own people....as if I care! Why don’t they ask why I and Rwandans had to take up arms to fight that system?” he asked.
He also laughed off Bruguiere’s indictments for nine Rwandan army officers, saying it was a manifestation of how the French were gambling.
“They are even in a way I think foolish. If they are claiming that RPA (Rwanda Patriotic Army) shot down the plane (that carried Habyarimana), why would they want to try (Chief of State Protocol) Lt. Col.Rose Kabuye, who is sitting behind there? Why want the Kabarebes (Chief of General Staff General), Kayongas (Chief of Land Forces) ... I was the guy in charge (of RPA), why not come for me?” he wondered.
Kagame also said that the role of the French government in the Genocide would be fully brought to light by the Commission of Inquiry that is currently investigating the matter. Speaking on BBC’s Hard Talk programme last week, Kagame said that the current French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin is among the French government officials that backed the genocide which claimed an estimated on million ethnic Tutsis and Hutu moderates. He said Bruguiere was indictable because “he accesses and works with people wanted for Genocide crimes and they cannot be accessed by ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda ).”
“How can Bruguiere, a judge deal with criminals who are wanted for Genocide? A person like Niwiragaba. Isn’t Bruguiere himself indictable?” wondered the president. Some of the ‘witnesses’ have distanced themselves from what is attributed to them in the 64-page report. The President praised the solidarity shown by Rwandans of all walks of life both within and outside the country, in the wake of Bruguiere’s “scandalous” report. The reports sparked tens of protests against France by Rwandans at home and in the Diaspora.
And, just last week, Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni was in tow, describing France as ‘Africa’s problem which needs an immediate solution’.
Meanwhile, President Kagame described the UK as one of the development partners that have since significantly supported Rwanda in its recovery from the Genocide and in her long-term development programmes. Last week, he was on a state visit to the European nation and he met Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and Prime Minister Tony Blair.
By James Munyaneza
The New Times
The days of France’s interference into the internal affairs of Rwanda are long gone, President Paul Kagame has said. Kagame, who was addressing a press conference yesterday at Village Urugwiro, said the French government has had a history of arrogance and dictating what should be done in some African countries, especially the former French colonies.
“It happened here (in Rwanda) for a long time, but it won’t happen any more,” said Kagame, who lashed out at France’s policy in Africa. He said it was disrespect for some Western leaders to think that they are more conversant with African dynamics than Africans themselves.
He described as “serious insult” previous remarks by French President Jacques Chirac that South African President Thabo Mbeki needed to understand the uniqueness of Ivory Coast at the time Mbeki was trying to broker a peace deal in the West African nation. “I took it as a serious insult. That shows how Chirac and other Western leaders think. It’s a big problem,” the President said.
He said the French government did not only back the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, but is behind the violence in such some African countries such as Ivory Coast, Chad and the Central African Republic. “For the French to fight in Chad and in Central African Republic, I find it ridiculous. Look at a situation like that of Ivory Coast, a country that not so long ago was being praised the world over.
“Why is like that today? Finding the French (soldiers) shooting people on the streets of Abidjan (Ivorian Capital) is a disgrace,” Kagame, a strong critic of France, said.
However, Kagame said African leaders and the continent’s peoples should espouse resistance to the continued meddling into the internal affairs of African countries by some western countries.
“Whereas our development partners constitute one of the problems of Africa, even Africans, ourselves, we are a problem of ourselves. Because we don’t give ourselves dignity, that is why we have leaders put in power by outsiders not by their people,” a visibly irritated Kagame, said.
He added: “Much as the French and other Western countries must change their attitude and start to give Africans the dignity they deserve, we Africans should also been seen to be wanting that change.”
The President said that much is needed to be done by the African Union and individual African nations about the continent’s destiny. “The African Union can and should do more in representing Africa ’s interests. There’s room for improvement,” he said.
Kagame also castigated the recent move by a French magistrate, Jean-Louis Bruguiere and the French government, to seek his prosecution over the April 6 1994 assassination of former president Juvenal Habyarimana.
“The French coming to ask me about the death of some dictator who was presiding over a system that killed its own people....as if I care! Why don’t they ask why I and Rwandans had to take up arms to fight that system?” he asked.
He also laughed off Bruguiere’s indictments for nine Rwandan army officers, saying it was a manifestation of how the French were gambling.
“They are even in a way I think foolish. If they are claiming that RPA (Rwanda Patriotic Army) shot down the plane (that carried Habyarimana), why would they want to try (Chief of State Protocol) Lt. Col.Rose Kabuye, who is sitting behind there? Why want the Kabarebes (Chief of General Staff General), Kayongas (Chief of Land Forces) ... I was the guy in charge (of RPA), why not come for me?” he wondered.
Kagame also said that the role of the French government in the Genocide would be fully brought to light by the Commission of Inquiry that is currently investigating the matter. Speaking on BBC’s Hard Talk programme last week, Kagame said that the current French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin is among the French government officials that backed the genocide which claimed an estimated on million ethnic Tutsis and Hutu moderates. He said Bruguiere was indictable because “he accesses and works with people wanted for Genocide crimes and they cannot be accessed by ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda ).”
“How can Bruguiere, a judge deal with criminals who are wanted for Genocide? A person like Niwiragaba. Isn’t Bruguiere himself indictable?” wondered the president. Some of the ‘witnesses’ have distanced themselves from what is attributed to them in the 64-page report. The President praised the solidarity shown by Rwandans of all walks of life both within and outside the country, in the wake of Bruguiere’s “scandalous” report. The reports sparked tens of protests against France by Rwandans at home and in the Diaspora.
And, just last week, Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni was in tow, describing France as ‘Africa’s problem which needs an immediate solution’.
Meanwhile, President Kagame described the UK as one of the development partners that have since significantly supported Rwanda in its recovery from the Genocide and in her long-term development programmes. Last week, he was on a state visit to the European nation and he met Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and Prime Minister Tony Blair.
French soldiers moved in tinted jeeps to disguise presence
Date: 12th-December 2006
After the 1993 Arusha Accords had been signed, among other elements requiring French soldiers to leave Rwanda, some remained and often moved in tinted jeeps around Kigali to avoid being noticed, a former body guard to the head of the Interahamwe militia in Kigali has just told the Mucyo Commission.
Dushimimana Jean-Batiste (witness III) said the disguised French officers often attended meetings of the "Akazu" (insiders of the Habyarimana system) and supervised their colleagues (French too) who manned roadblocks where "Tutsis and RPF collaborators" were sorted out - later to disappear.
The Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) won concession from their belligerents at Arusha - Tanzania (Habyarimana) that all French soldiers had to leave Rwanda, as they had been seen as obstacles to the peace process. France had also previously embarrassed an RPF senior delegation head by Paul Kagame in Paris around 1992.
According to Dushimimana, who was an "MRND cadre because his family was too", said he was part of the first youths recruited to become Interahamwe militias by Twahirwa Sarafin (who later became his boss) - trained by the French in Kabuga’s multi-storied building in Kigali. Kabuga Félicien is considered to be the Genocide financer - now on the run with a US $5m bounty on his head.
"We (interahamwe) were trained in Kabuga house - then Techno-serve building near Muhima then later Night club compound - then General Ntindirimana house (Kimihurura) and finally we were taken to Gabiro", the slow speaking but confident Dushimimana said.
"They kept on moving us from place to place because the planners who also included French officers did not want the plan of preparing for war by training civilians to be found out by other political parties", he explained.
According to the Habyarimana insider, the French military personnel hatched the plan of training a militia that would protect senior ruling Mouvement Revolutionaire Nationale pour le Dévéloppement (MRND) party members and close Habyarimana relatives.
Put to task to explain how he could have known such information, Dushimimana who became Captain in Interahamwe militia, said he was the driver and bodyguard to Twahirwa Sarafin and that sometimes Twahirwa confided him with some of such sensitive information.
Explaining at length how the French trained them (interahamwe) in the various places they were transferred, Dushimimana said they were given military drills, hate ideology, food rations and clothing by the French soldiers at the Gabiro training site. The interahamwe wore flowered clothing with MRND colours.
To the amazement of the small audience, the former militia also said French President François Mitterrand and Habyarimana had a cocaine plantation established in Nyungwe forest ( Western Province). Rumours have had it that french soldiers left with cocaine from the vast Nyungwe forest but nobody had come out to speak with likely authority as witness III.
"Infact as we were retreating towards Cyangungu (Western province) out of pressure from the advancing RPF, the french soldiers passed through Nyungwe and harvested the cocaine, loaded it into helicopters - but we later heard that they took it to Central Africa", the former killer narrated with seeming authority.
France had a military contingent in Central African Republic for most of the conflict in Rwanda and that is where it is believed most of the soldiers retreated, often making incursion into Rwanda.
Former head of Intelligence - now Senator Iyamuremye Augustin was also queried about the cocaine but declined to say anything tangible - instead answering - he just heard it as "rumours".
According to Dushimimana, french soldiers were also in Cyangugu along with the retreating genocidal government of Jean Kambanda but were later forced to cross over to Zaire (D R Congo). Apparently, roadblocks to sort out "Tutsis and RPF collaborators" continued in Cyangugu - and victims were dumped into Lake Kivu using french helicopters.
Based on his position in the militia hierarchy, Dushimimana also confirmed the long existing but vague information that killed roadblock victims were also dumped from air into Nyungwe forest using french helicopters.
Queried by commissioners on how the Interahamwe were recruited and which other people were at Gabiro for training, the seemingly knowledgeable former militia about the events of the time, stunned the audience by saying "you know in Rwanda there were 3 tribes - Hutu- Tutsi and Twa - but they only wanted MRND Hutus"
Queried on who the "Akazu" were - because he kept on using the word over and over, Dushimimana outlined them as Bikindi Simeon (ICTR detainee - musician) - Zigiranyirazo Protais (ICTR and brother to Agathe Habyarimana) -Twahirwa Sarafin (Habyarimana brother) and one - Joseph.
Information available in Rwanda indicates that the Akazu are the brains or inner-circles behind the Genocide and the conflict that raged on in Rwanda. Most included First Family (Habyarimana) close relatives and most senior MRND insiders.
On war end, as Dushimimana explained - the militia and ex-FAR soldiers were aided by the French to flee into Zaire along with civilians and later given arms and encouraged to regroup for an offensive on Rwanda. In Zaire camps, civilians were kept in Mugunga camp (30 away from Goma) and the interahamwe together with government forces (ex-FAR) were grouped at Lac vert for more training by the french.
What is clear, the evidence given earlier on by witness II - Kaburame Jean Damascène - a former corporal with the ex-FAR and Dushimimana’s - seem to correlate, except that the former sounded illiterate and did not have a lot to narrate - apart from situations in which he was involved.
Kaburame Jean Damascène who was attached to the 2nd battalion in Muvumba (eastern province) told the commission that French soldiers erected roadblocks at Ngarama centre (eastern province) at which "Tutsis and RPF collaborators" were put in tracks - escorted by french on jeeps towards Nyagatare (further east). He however could not explain where the victims were headed.
Another element noted is that France has maintained that all its forces left Rwanda after the Arusha Accords required so and that there was no french military support in the planning and executions of the 1994 mass killings in Rwanda.
Former head of Rwanda department with the notorious French Ministry of foreign affairs - Ms. Natalie Loiseau (now french diplomat in Washington) said recently that there were "only 24" french officers left in Rwanda to man the France-Rwanda military cooperation directorate.
The Mucyo will from today till December 19 hear up to 5 witnesses everyday who have been referred to as the "factual witnesses" because of their direct connection with the events that could have involved French officials. Some are expected to include Genocide victims and the killers themselves. For the first phase - were "contextual witnesses" who mainly included former government officials.
After the 1993 Arusha Accords had been signed, among other elements requiring French soldiers to leave Rwanda, some remained and often moved in tinted jeeps around Kigali to avoid being noticed, a former body guard to the head of the Interahamwe militia in Kigali has just told the Mucyo Commission.
Dushimimana Jean-Batiste (witness III) said the disguised French officers often attended meetings of the "Akazu" (insiders of the Habyarimana system) and supervised their colleagues (French too) who manned roadblocks where "Tutsis and RPF collaborators" were sorted out - later to disappear.
The Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) won concession from their belligerents at Arusha - Tanzania (Habyarimana) that all French soldiers had to leave Rwanda, as they had been seen as obstacles to the peace process. France had also previously embarrassed an RPF senior delegation head by Paul Kagame in Paris around 1992.
According to Dushimimana, who was an "MRND cadre because his family was too", said he was part of the first youths recruited to become Interahamwe militias by Twahirwa Sarafin (who later became his boss) - trained by the French in Kabuga’s multi-storied building in Kigali. Kabuga Félicien is considered to be the Genocide financer - now on the run with a US $5m bounty on his head.
"We (interahamwe) were trained in Kabuga house - then Techno-serve building near Muhima then later Night club compound - then General Ntindirimana house (Kimihurura) and finally we were taken to Gabiro", the slow speaking but confident Dushimimana said.
"They kept on moving us from place to place because the planners who also included French officers did not want the plan of preparing for war by training civilians to be found out by other political parties", he explained.
According to the Habyarimana insider, the French military personnel hatched the plan of training a militia that would protect senior ruling Mouvement Revolutionaire Nationale pour le Dévéloppement (MRND) party members and close Habyarimana relatives.
Put to task to explain how he could have known such information, Dushimimana who became Captain in Interahamwe militia, said he was the driver and bodyguard to Twahirwa Sarafin and that sometimes Twahirwa confided him with some of such sensitive information.
Explaining at length how the French trained them (interahamwe) in the various places they were transferred, Dushimimana said they were given military drills, hate ideology, food rations and clothing by the French soldiers at the Gabiro training site. The interahamwe wore flowered clothing with MRND colours.
To the amazement of the small audience, the former militia also said French President François Mitterrand and Habyarimana had a cocaine plantation established in Nyungwe forest ( Western Province). Rumours have had it that french soldiers left with cocaine from the vast Nyungwe forest but nobody had come out to speak with likely authority as witness III.
"Infact as we were retreating towards Cyangungu (Western province) out of pressure from the advancing RPF, the french soldiers passed through Nyungwe and harvested the cocaine, loaded it into helicopters - but we later heard that they took it to Central Africa", the former killer narrated with seeming authority.
France had a military contingent in Central African Republic for most of the conflict in Rwanda and that is where it is believed most of the soldiers retreated, often making incursion into Rwanda.
Former head of Intelligence - now Senator Iyamuremye Augustin was also queried about the cocaine but declined to say anything tangible - instead answering - he just heard it as "rumours".
According to Dushimimana, french soldiers were also in Cyangugu along with the retreating genocidal government of Jean Kambanda but were later forced to cross over to Zaire (D R Congo). Apparently, roadblocks to sort out "Tutsis and RPF collaborators" continued in Cyangugu - and victims were dumped into Lake Kivu using french helicopters.
Based on his position in the militia hierarchy, Dushimimana also confirmed the long existing but vague information that killed roadblock victims were also dumped from air into Nyungwe forest using french helicopters.
Queried by commissioners on how the Interahamwe were recruited and which other people were at Gabiro for training, the seemingly knowledgeable former militia about the events of the time, stunned the audience by saying "you know in Rwanda there were 3 tribes - Hutu- Tutsi and Twa - but they only wanted MRND Hutus"
Queried on who the "Akazu" were - because he kept on using the word over and over, Dushimimana outlined them as Bikindi Simeon (ICTR detainee - musician) - Zigiranyirazo Protais (ICTR and brother to Agathe Habyarimana) -Twahirwa Sarafin (Habyarimana brother) and one - Joseph.
Information available in Rwanda indicates that the Akazu are the brains or inner-circles behind the Genocide and the conflict that raged on in Rwanda. Most included First Family (Habyarimana) close relatives and most senior MRND insiders.
On war end, as Dushimimana explained - the militia and ex-FAR soldiers were aided by the French to flee into Zaire along with civilians and later given arms and encouraged to regroup for an offensive on Rwanda. In Zaire camps, civilians were kept in Mugunga camp (30 away from Goma) and the interahamwe together with government forces (ex-FAR) were grouped at Lac vert for more training by the french.
What is clear, the evidence given earlier on by witness II - Kaburame Jean Damascène - a former corporal with the ex-FAR and Dushimimana’s - seem to correlate, except that the former sounded illiterate and did not have a lot to narrate - apart from situations in which he was involved.
Kaburame Jean Damascène who was attached to the 2nd battalion in Muvumba (eastern province) told the commission that French soldiers erected roadblocks at Ngarama centre (eastern province) at which "Tutsis and RPF collaborators" were put in tracks - escorted by french on jeeps towards Nyagatare (further east). He however could not explain where the victims were headed.
Another element noted is that France has maintained that all its forces left Rwanda after the Arusha Accords required so and that there was no french military support in the planning and executions of the 1994 mass killings in Rwanda.
Former head of Rwanda department with the notorious French Ministry of foreign affairs - Ms. Natalie Loiseau (now french diplomat in Washington) said recently that there were "only 24" french officers left in Rwanda to man the France-Rwanda military cooperation directorate.
The Mucyo will from today till December 19 hear up to 5 witnesses everyday who have been referred to as the "factual witnesses" because of their direct connection with the events that could have involved French officials. Some are expected to include Genocide victims and the killers themselves. For the first phase - were "contextual witnesses" who mainly included former government officials.
maandag 11 december 2006
France sticks to bloody policy
Date: 11th-December 2006
By ANDREW WALLIS
The New Times
As human rights reports detailing Habyarimana’s French-trained forces’ massacres of Tutsi civilians were published, Paris focused only on the RPF. Marcel Debarge promised not to ignore the reports of the government-instigated massacres, but then did so, never publicly denouncing the regime in Kigali and saving his venom instead for the RPF. The 64-year-old Debarge, the minister of cooperation, encapsulated the confused and highly ambiguous French position.
In an interview with Le Monde on 17 February 1993 he announced that ‘France has supported the Arusha negotiations which have led to an agreement between the government and the opposition to create a transition cabinet. ... In any case, the World Bank and the other donors keep their representatives in Kigali only because of our military presence which need I remind you - is only there to protect our citizens.’ It was in effect a ‘have my cake and eat it’ argument. According to Debarge, France was helping to mediate the Arusha agreement (to which it had assigned a solitary very junior diplomat). Meanwhile, its multimillion dollar military help protected French citizens and allowed aid projects to continue.
In fact, according to Debarge, French efforts in Rwanda benefited everybody. He omitted to mention the massacres, now in full swing, that the government his soldiers were keeping in power were carrying out, or indeed the financial scams siphoning off millions of dollars of foreign aid money into the coffers of the Akazu. Prejudice against the ‘anglophone’ RPF blinded any French policy reassessment. An African strategic expert confided, ‘it is not possible to tolerate this attack from Uganda, 18 million people against Rwanda with only seven million. The Belgians have abandoned their old colony, and they are alone.
But, thanks to us, the Rwandan army is able to hold off the Coup.’ Remarkably, such views did not include the white Western French as ‘invaders’, only the RPF, who though mostly from Uganda were actual Rwandans forced into exile. It was the RPF that was seeking a return to its homeland, not the French who were merely asserting their neocolonial rights to intervene as and when it suited them in a foreign land - without even a UN mandate.
Ten days after his remarks to Le Monde, Debarge was in Kigali. On 28 February, the man tasked with finding a peaceful solution told the Rwandan opposition parties that they should make a ‘common front’ with Habyarimana against their ‘enemies’. It was a simplification and underestimation of the whole Rwandan mess. According to Prunier, ‘in such a tense ethnic climate, with massacres having taken place in recent weeks, this call for a “common front” that could only be based on race was nearly a call to racial war.’ The result was a clear delineation in Paris of what the conflict was about. ‘The equation thus suggested was “Uganda equals Anglo-Saxon equals RPF ... equals Tutsi. ...” This of course implied another equation: “Rwanda equals France equals common front equals Hutu”.’
There were dissenting voices in the French camp. On the release of a number of high-profile reports on human rights abuses in Rwanda in March 1993, Guy Penne, a former government minister and now vicepresident of the senate commission on foreign affairs and defence, wrote to Prime Minister Balladur expressing his anxiety.
He mentioned France being ‘very implicated’ in the situation, asked the prime minister to arbitrate between the ministries of foreign affairs, cooperation and defence, and stated the need to reduce the French military presence. Moreover, he expressed the view that any remaining troops should be used specifically for humanitarian work and to protect French citizens, and that cooperation with Habyarimana should be suspended until the international commission on human rights abuses in Rwanda was published. Predictably, such views were swiftly consigned to the Elysee’s ample wastepaper basket.
France was not renowned for changing a stance merely for human rights abuses and Mitterrand, champion of Vichy and the Algerian campaign, was not about to let the fate of ‘a few’ Rwandan villagers upset his Rwandan policy.
An RPF press release, issued on 8 February 1993, the day it renewed its offensive, conclusively equated Habyarimana with France. As far as the RPF was concerned the new offensive it had launched was due solely to Habyarimana’s intransigence and his French allies. The RPF press release was dominated by an attack on the continuing French role in Rwanda.
By ANDREW WALLIS
The New Times
As human rights reports detailing Habyarimana’s French-trained forces’ massacres of Tutsi civilians were published, Paris focused only on the RPF. Marcel Debarge promised not to ignore the reports of the government-instigated massacres, but then did so, never publicly denouncing the regime in Kigali and saving his venom instead for the RPF. The 64-year-old Debarge, the minister of cooperation, encapsulated the confused and highly ambiguous French position.
In an interview with Le Monde on 17 February 1993 he announced that ‘France has supported the Arusha negotiations which have led to an agreement between the government and the opposition to create a transition cabinet. ... In any case, the World Bank and the other donors keep their representatives in Kigali only because of our military presence which need I remind you - is only there to protect our citizens.’ It was in effect a ‘have my cake and eat it’ argument. According to Debarge, France was helping to mediate the Arusha agreement (to which it had assigned a solitary very junior diplomat). Meanwhile, its multimillion dollar military help protected French citizens and allowed aid projects to continue.
In fact, according to Debarge, French efforts in Rwanda benefited everybody. He omitted to mention the massacres, now in full swing, that the government his soldiers were keeping in power were carrying out, or indeed the financial scams siphoning off millions of dollars of foreign aid money into the coffers of the Akazu. Prejudice against the ‘anglophone’ RPF blinded any French policy reassessment. An African strategic expert confided, ‘it is not possible to tolerate this attack from Uganda, 18 million people against Rwanda with only seven million. The Belgians have abandoned their old colony, and they are alone.
But, thanks to us, the Rwandan army is able to hold off the Coup.’ Remarkably, such views did not include the white Western French as ‘invaders’, only the RPF, who though mostly from Uganda were actual Rwandans forced into exile. It was the RPF that was seeking a return to its homeland, not the French who were merely asserting their neocolonial rights to intervene as and when it suited them in a foreign land - without even a UN mandate.
Ten days after his remarks to Le Monde, Debarge was in Kigali. On 28 February, the man tasked with finding a peaceful solution told the Rwandan opposition parties that they should make a ‘common front’ with Habyarimana against their ‘enemies’. It was a simplification and underestimation of the whole Rwandan mess. According to Prunier, ‘in such a tense ethnic climate, with massacres having taken place in recent weeks, this call for a “common front” that could only be based on race was nearly a call to racial war.’ The result was a clear delineation in Paris of what the conflict was about. ‘The equation thus suggested was “Uganda equals Anglo-Saxon equals RPF ... equals Tutsi. ...” This of course implied another equation: “Rwanda equals France equals common front equals Hutu”.’
There were dissenting voices in the French camp. On the release of a number of high-profile reports on human rights abuses in Rwanda in March 1993, Guy Penne, a former government minister and now vicepresident of the senate commission on foreign affairs and defence, wrote to Prime Minister Balladur expressing his anxiety.
He mentioned France being ‘very implicated’ in the situation, asked the prime minister to arbitrate between the ministries of foreign affairs, cooperation and defence, and stated the need to reduce the French military presence. Moreover, he expressed the view that any remaining troops should be used specifically for humanitarian work and to protect French citizens, and that cooperation with Habyarimana should be suspended until the international commission on human rights abuses in Rwanda was published. Predictably, such views were swiftly consigned to the Elysee’s ample wastepaper basket.
France was not renowned for changing a stance merely for human rights abuses and Mitterrand, champion of Vichy and the Algerian campaign, was not about to let the fate of ‘a few’ Rwandan villagers upset his Rwandan policy.
An RPF press release, issued on 8 February 1993, the day it renewed its offensive, conclusively equated Habyarimana with France. As far as the RPF was concerned the new offensive it had launched was due solely to Habyarimana’s intransigence and his French allies. The RPF press release was dominated by an attack on the continuing French role in Rwanda.
zondag 10 december 2006
Rwanda cannot be shaken
Date: 10th-December 2006
By GASHEEGU MURAMILA
The New Times
SOUTHERN PROVINCE: BUTARE, Rwanda cannot be threatened by countries that pretend to be friendly to her yet they do not appreciate her progress twelve years after the Genocide, the President of the Senate, Dr Vincent Biruta, has said. In his speech as Guest of Honour...
during this year’s graduation ceremony held at the National University of Rwanda - Butare yesterday, Biruta said that despite the fact that the people of Rwanda are putting untiring efforts in a bid to forget their horrible past and forge a new future aimed at developing themselves and their country, there are stakeholders with the desire of having the country lag behind again.
“There are countries that are feeling jealous of the development that Rwanda is registering today because at the time they called themselves friends of Rwanda all this was not attained,” Biruta said. “At this level of understanding, Rwanda can’t be threatened in any way, especially the disrespect Africans are accorded.”
Biruta told the attentive audience of two thousand graduands and guests that graduating was not all about getting academic transcripts but understanding the problems facing the country and how they could help solve them. He cautioned them to avoid reliance on foreign assistance but instead use it as an additional tool to their attained knowledge in a bid to develop the country. Biruta challenged the graduands to respect themselves and their country.
“Giving yourself respect requires that you fight the humiliation even from those that think that they are superior. You know the people I’m talking about -- the French,” Biruta said amid thunderous applause from the audience.
Biruta lauded the university for having put emphasis on enhancing the government’s Vision 2020 and urged of the institution to serve as an example in the Great Lakes region and the world at large. He said that the government’s Vision 2020 will register success if only higher institutions of learning became more effective.
“This should first be emulated by all universities in the country. Graduates should practice what they have learned, and that is the only way the country will go to greater heights,” he said. “After here we can serve as example elsewhere in the world.”
Biruta added that the fact that Rwandan universities offer Masters degrees, it was a step taken to revive the once ruined education system mainly due to bad past political leaderships. He said that offering Masters degree courses was a sign that the government is committed to developing the education sector in Rwanda.
“The university has yielded much in only 12 years after the Genocide and I attributed that to the peace and security the nation is enjoying. It’s on a strong foundation that is determined to a programme of economic empowerment of the local communities. It calls for everybody’s efforts to maintain this standard,” he said.
Biruta was flanked by the Rector of the university, Professor Silas Lwakabamba, and the Minister for Education and Scientific Research, Jean D’Arc Mujawamariya, who also doubles as Chancellor of the university. The graduation ceremony was also attended by high level government officials, who included members of the Senate and Members of Parliament, as well as other dignitaries.
By GASHEEGU MURAMILA
The New Times
SOUTHERN PROVINCE: BUTARE, Rwanda cannot be threatened by countries that pretend to be friendly to her yet they do not appreciate her progress twelve years after the Genocide, the President of the Senate, Dr Vincent Biruta, has said. In his speech as Guest of Honour...
during this year’s graduation ceremony held at the National University of Rwanda - Butare yesterday, Biruta said that despite the fact that the people of Rwanda are putting untiring efforts in a bid to forget their horrible past and forge a new future aimed at developing themselves and their country, there are stakeholders with the desire of having the country lag behind again.
“There are countries that are feeling jealous of the development that Rwanda is registering today because at the time they called themselves friends of Rwanda all this was not attained,” Biruta said. “At this level of understanding, Rwanda can’t be threatened in any way, especially the disrespect Africans are accorded.”
Biruta told the attentive audience of two thousand graduands and guests that graduating was not all about getting academic transcripts but understanding the problems facing the country and how they could help solve them. He cautioned them to avoid reliance on foreign assistance but instead use it as an additional tool to their attained knowledge in a bid to develop the country. Biruta challenged the graduands to respect themselves and their country.
“Giving yourself respect requires that you fight the humiliation even from those that think that they are superior. You know the people I’m talking about -- the French,” Biruta said amid thunderous applause from the audience.
Biruta lauded the university for having put emphasis on enhancing the government’s Vision 2020 and urged of the institution to serve as an example in the Great Lakes region and the world at large. He said that the government’s Vision 2020 will register success if only higher institutions of learning became more effective.
“This should first be emulated by all universities in the country. Graduates should practice what they have learned, and that is the only way the country will go to greater heights,” he said. “After here we can serve as example elsewhere in the world.”
Biruta added that the fact that Rwandan universities offer Masters degrees, it was a step taken to revive the once ruined education system mainly due to bad past political leaderships. He said that offering Masters degree courses was a sign that the government is committed to developing the education sector in Rwanda.
“The university has yielded much in only 12 years after the Genocide and I attributed that to the peace and security the nation is enjoying. It’s on a strong foundation that is determined to a programme of economic empowerment of the local communities. It calls for everybody’s efforts to maintain this standard,” he said.
Biruta was flanked by the Rector of the university, Professor Silas Lwakabamba, and the Minister for Education and Scientific Research, Jean D’Arc Mujawamariya, who also doubles as Chancellor of the university. The graduation ceremony was also attended by high level government officials, who included members of the Senate and Members of Parliament, as well as other dignitaries.
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